By Randall B. Woods
Many got here to determine chilly warfare liberals through the Vietnam battle as prepared to invoke the democratic excellent, whereas while tolerating dictatorships within the reason for anticommunism. This quantity of essays demonstrates how competition to the battle, the military-industrial advanced, and the nationwide defense nation crystallized in quite a few assorted and infrequently divergent political traditions. certainly, for plenty of of the participants mentioned, dissent used to be a decidedly conservative act in that they felt the warfare threatened conventional values, mores, and associations.
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Extra info for Vietnam and the American Political Tradition: The Politics of Dissent
Hardcore isolationists had come to terms with the fact that German, Italian, and Japanese facism constituted an authentic threat to American interests and that war had been necessary. S. independence and sovereignty. The isolationists were staunchly anticommunist, 1 Justus D. Doenecke, Not to the Swift: The Old Isolationists in the Cold War Era (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 1979) p. 27. 44 Randall B. Woods but they believed that Europe was a European problem. They feared that the Europeans, particularly the British, would once again attempt to use the United States as a cat’s paw, expending American blood and treasure to maintain a continental balance of power – “perpetual war for perpetual peace,” to use Harry Elmer Barnes’s phrase.
Second, possession of the Philippines would endanger national security because the islands were so far removed from the United States and so close to potentially hostile powers that they could not help but be a strategic liability. 19 If one corrects for the desire to score political debating points, it is evident that neither side was much concerned by the prospect of entering the arena of great power rivalry. If imperialists were advocating geopolitics, it was generally in a benign, nonDarwinian sense in which the acquisition of colonies signaled America’s arrival not into some vicious den of great power rivalry but rather into a friendly and cooperative circle of elite powers.
If, as a result, concerns for global equity become more pronounced, as they are likely to do if economic globalization proceeds unevenly, then disturbing questions of domination and its corrosive effects on America’s sense of national identity are likely once again to come to the fore. World War II, Congress, and the Roots of Postwar American Foreign Policy Randall B. S. involvement in the Second Indochinese War. He is certainly correct, but the argument can be taken further. At the close of World War II, diplomats and politicians struggled to devise a strategy for confronting and containing the forces of international communism that ﬁt in with traditional foreign policy philosophies and approaches.