By Harry Browne
Scathing and hilarious takedown of a frontman for the wealthy and powerful
Celebrity philanthropy is available in many guises, yet no unmarried determine higher encapsulates its delusions, pretensions and wrongheadedness than U2’s iconic frontman, Bono—a truth neither sun shades nor leather-based pants can conceal. greater than a trifling philanthropist—indeed, he's acknowledged to lag in the back of a few friends in terms of parting together with his personal money—Bono is best defined as an suggest, one that has turn into an unwitting image of a complacent filthy rich Western elite.
The Frontman indicates how Bono defended U2's partial movement to Amsterdam, warding off Irish taxes; his paternalistic advocacy of neoliberal options in Africa; his multinational enterprise pursuits; and his hobnobbing with Paul Wolfowitz and shock-doctrine economist Jeffrey Sachs. rigorously dissecting the rhetoric and activities of Bono the political operator, The Frontman argues that he's an envoy for imperial exploitation, a guy who has grew to become his recognition to a global of savage injustice, inequality and exploitation—and helped make it worse.
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Additional resources for The Frontman: Bono (In the Name of Power) (Counterblasts)
J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 315-47; and Foner, Recon- Page xvi struction, 349-50. Thomas Holt, in his review of Carpetbagger of Conscience, harshly judges Bryant for this transgression and refuses to believe any decent motive on his part. Holt's interpretation goes beyond the existing evidence, though it is not difficult to believe that JEB would have harbored ill feeling against Belcher because of his earlier actions. 15 See Abbott, "The Republican Party Press," 754-55, for his assessment of Bullock's printing costs.
Rufus Bullock, on the other hand, hobnobbed with the Atlanta elite, enjoying his business fortune; Tillson lost money as a planter in Georgia but made a fortune in granite back in Maine. S. marshall, with recognition at last at Page xiii the Georgia bar. Using the language of religious purpose, as he frequently did, he continued to seek the link between education, social reform, and politics as the avenue for change. As noted in Carpetbagger of Conscience's retrospective on JEB, the best measure of the man was in his friends and enemies.
26 In the main, however, Bryant likely embodied the prevailing liberal position and relied on abolitionist literature for his evidence. " George Frederickson has convincingly shown that Harriet Beecher Stowe's antislavery circle treated an "idealized Negro" as the convenient symbol of docility and trust and thereby contrasted strongly with the Caucasians who enslaved blacks. Later novels by Mrs. 27 Bryant's experience with black troops during the Civil War would bring a measure of realism to his view.