By Jon Moran, Mark Phythian (eds.)
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Extra info for Intelligence, Security and Policing Post-9/11: The UK’s Response to the ‘War on Terror’
ISC, 2006, para. 39) The following year, to coincide with the first anniversary of the bombings, a video message from Shazad Tanweer was released in which he talked of ‘a series of attacks that will continue ... html). Both contained essentially the same message as that given to the peoples of Europe by Osama bin Laden himself in April 2004, the month after the Madrid train bombings, in which he claimed that Our actions are but a reaction to yours – your destruction and murder of our people, whether in Afghanistan, Iraq, or Palestine ...
Days later Blair had adopted the Bush Administration language of being ‘at war with terrorism’. He vigorously supported the US war to remove the Taliban from power in Afghanistan. Far more controversially he supported the Bush Administration in making the case for the necessity of extending the ‘war on terror’ to Iraq, and then militarily in undertaking the war to remove Saddam Hussein from power. Later, British troops came to assume a prominent role in the NATO campaign in Afghanistan, in sharp contrast to the marked reluctance of most NATO members to commit forces there.
This involved police and MI5 officers bugging ninety-seven telephone lines, carrying out covert property searches on twelve occasions, and generated over 3500 hours of tapes from bugs planted in suspects’ homes and cars and concealed video cameras (Cobain and Norton-Taylor, 2007). However, the trial also raised again the question of the extent of MI5’s prior knowledge of 7/7 suicide bombers Khan and Tanweer, and the extent to which the 7/7 suicide bombings represented an intelligence failure, in the process raising fresh questions about the ability of the ISC, which had faced criticism over its inquiry into pre-war intelligence on Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, to oversee the intelligence and security agencies.